Throughout history, humans have utilised their bodies to fight against different forms of oppression and shape their political and social landscape. From Ghandi to the Occupy Movement, the marginalised and oppressed have used their bodies to gain visibility and shine a light on the structural violence, prejudice, injustice and demonisation they suffer at the hands of the dominant mainstream.
Within the Palestinian context, this embodied resistance is an act of sumoud. Literally translated as “steadfastness”, sumoud is a form of resistance that is deeply woven into the fabric of everyday Palestinian life (Wiles, 2010). Since the British Mandate, such steadfastness has been central to Palestinian resistance to Zionist settler-colonialism. It is a form of resistance that is embodied on a daily basis in innumerable ways— both psychologically and bodily, both directly and indirectly. On the ground, sumoud is reflected in protests against land confiscation in Israel, anti-wall protests in the West Bank, prisoners’ hunger strikes, and the ongoing march of return in Gaza. As Wiles (2010) notes, “it is an attitude expressed in action”—embodied in direct action protests against Israeli occupation and apartheid, as well as everyday acts of resistance and non-compliance with the colonial occupier. Sumoud is the collective Palestinian consciousness which struggles for and clings to the land, executed through acts of resistance both big and small that seek to maintain Palestinian identity and dignity in the colonial context (Rijke & Van Teeffelen, 2014, 86).
Both before and after the establishment of Israel in 1948, Palestinians deployed their bodies to defend their right to exist in their ancestral homeland and resist Zionist colonisation and occupation. Marches, sit-ins and strikes were organised. In 1936, Palestinians staged one of the longest anti-colonial general strikes in history by non-violently withdrawing their bodily labour for 145 days. They simultaneously staged marches against Zionist state-building and British colonialism (Ayyad, 1999,152 – 162). Palestinians continued their political struggle in the wake of Israel’s seizure of Palestinian territories in 1948 and 1967. Often, their bodies were the only means of protest and resistance at their disposal.
When seeking to understand how and why Palestinians use their bodies in political protest and resistance, it is useful to apply the framework identified by sociologist Barbara Sutton. In her work on women and political protest in Argentina, Sutton identified four ways “in which bodies are embedded in and significant to political protest”: (1) the act of political protest happens through use of the body; (2) the body is used in a symbolic way to convey a political message or meaning; (3) the human body is fragile and has physical needs which must be met during the act of political protest; (4) the number of bodies in a protest may impact on its visibility and success (Sutton, 2007, 139 – 141). According to Erynn Masi de Casanova and Afshan Jafar (2016) a fifth way in which the body is significant to political protest can also be identified in Sutton’s work, with the body becoming the “vehicles through which emotion is displayed or dissimulated” (p151). Expanding further on Sutton’s work, de Casanova and Jafar (2016) identify two additional ways in which the body can be embodied in political protest and resistance: (6) the destruction of the body and (7) the involvement of physically marginalised bodies in political protest.
Inside Israel
Inside Israel, Palestinians have been organising political protests since the events of Land Day in 1976, during which six Palestinians were killed whilst demonstrating against Israel’s confiscation of Palestinian land (McDowell, 1989, 157). Between 1949 and 1966, Israel had imposed martial law on Palestinian citizens of the state, preventing them from engaging in any form of political activity (Pappe, 2011, 94-134). The first Land Day in 1976 thus has great significance for Palestinians in Israel as the first public protest against Israeli policy since the end of martial law.
During Land Day and other protests organised by Palestinians inside Israel, people have used their unarmed bodies in huge numbers to gain visibility and maximise impact, as identified by Sutton (2007). In 2013, for example, Palestinians staged mass non-violent protests against the Prawer Plan—a state-sanction plan to forcibly cleanse over 40,000 Palestinian Bedouin from “unrecognised” villages in the Naqab (Negev) desert. These non-violent protests, however, were met by extreme violence by Israel, with mass arrests taking place and protesters beaten (Khalife, 2013).
Palestinian Bedouin have also pursued bodily resistance through acts of sumoud. In the Naqab, as in the West Bank, Jerusalem and Gaza, their embodiment of sumoud can be seen in their refusal to submit to ethnic cleansing. The people of al-Araqib, for example, have refused to leave their land, despite their village being demolished 129 times between July 2010 and June 2018 by Israeli forces (Maan, 2018). The villagers rebuilt their village after each demolition, knowing full well that they would be targeted for destruction again. This act of sumoud, as well as the Prawer Plan and Land Day protests, are all examples of how Palestinians continue to use their bodies to reject Israeli policies that aim to uproot them from their land since the territories were first occupied in 1948.
Anti-Wall Protests
In the occupied West Bank, which has been under Israel’s control since 1967, Palestinians have similarly used their bodies to engage in acts of political resistance. In 2002, at the height of the second intifada, Israel began the construction of its 760km apartheid wall, a venture which is illegal under international law (UN News, 2004). In response to this new threat from its military occupiers, West Bank Palestinians began to mobilise in an attempt to stop their ancestral lands being destroyed. In March 2003, Mas’ha’s village became the first major site of protest against the apartheid wall, with a peace camp set up on village land. Over 70 activists joined the camp in a bid to stop Israel’s confiscation of over 97% of Mas’ha’s agricultural land, using nothing except the physical presence of their bodies to resist (Bullimore, 2004). This was also the first time in Mas’ha that Palestinian, International and Israeli activists came together in a joint struggle against the unlawful construction of this wall.
After Mas’ha came further struggles in Budrus, Ni’lin, Bil'in and other villages, where communities began to organise and launch an open popular campaign against Israeli apartheid and occupation. Their calls have been answered by activists from overseas and a small number of Israeli activists. Whilst the physical presence of Israeli and international activists may lower the level of violence used by Israel's occupation military to a certain extent, the toll on Palestinian bodies remains high, with 377 Palestinians killed in the West Bank between January 2009 and March 2018 (B’Tselem, 2018).
As noted by de Casanova and Jafar (2016), although the participation of the physically marginalised in political protest is often ignored, their grievances nevertheless can and should be incorporated in social resistance movements. In 2005, many injured and disabled Palestinians staged their own demonstrations against Israeli military occupation in the village of Bil’in. The demonstration was organised by Rani Bornat, a Bil’in resident, who after being shot in the neck by an Israeli sniper at the age of 19, subsequently required the use of a wheelchair (ISM, 2016). In response to the demonstration, Israel’s military fired tear gas, often directly at the rally participants—many of whom were using wheelchairs—causing them to pass out from tear gas inhalation (Bil’in Habibti, 2006; ISM, 2016) For Bornat, who continues to participate in Bil’in’s demonstrations, the 2005 demonstration was an extremely significant act of resistance. He points out: “I live in a wheelchair but it does not limit me from saying NO to the occupation, saying NO to oppression, and saying NO to injustice, slavery and bloodshed” (Burnat, n.d).
Hunger Strikes
Another way in which the body can embody political protest and resistance is through the destruction of the body, as identified by de Casanova and Jafar (2016). In the Palestinian context, this often takes the form of hunger strikes. This strategy is often adopted by political prisoners, who constitute one of the most marginalised Palestinian communities. Classified as “security prisoners” by Israel, their bodily needs and rights are already continuously being violated and compromised. In April 2018, there were 6036 Palestinians in Israel’s prisons, including 304 children, 63 women, and 431 “administrative” detainees (Addameer, 2018). Many are denied access to legal representation, medical care and visiting rights, whilst others are illegally placed in solitary confinement. According to the Palestinian Commission of Detainees and Ex-Detainees Affairs, 100% of Palestinian prisoners have been subjected to torture and different forms of physical and psychological abuse (WAFA, 2018).
Palestinian political prisoners have successfully organised numerous hunger strikes, with sumoud, persistence and unity central to the success of this form of political protest. Between 2011 and 2015, Samer Issawi refused food for 266 days, Khader Adnan staged two hunger strikes against Israel’s administrative detention regime, and Mohammad Allan refused food for two months. Palestinian prisoners have also managed to coordinate across different prison facilities to launch collective hunger strikes. In April 2017, Marwan Barghouti led an open-ended hunger strike that lasted for 41 days. More than 1000 Palestinian political prisoners joined Barghouti to demand better medical care, more frequent family visits and better treatment for female prisoners (Fisher, 2017; Farid, 2017). The strike ended after forcing Israeli authorities to address the prisoners' demands and offer a compromise on visitation rights.
Great March of Return & the Free Gaza Boats
Gaza’s case is one where sumoud manifests in every little detail of daily life, from basic survival to organised resistance. Since the early 1990s, Israel has imposed restrictions on the Gaza Strip (UNOCHA oPt, 2018). However, following Hamas' election in January 2006 to the Palestinian Legislative Council, Israel intensified its restrictions and in June 2007 unlawfully imposed an all-encompassing land, sea and air blockade on Gaza. In February 2018, it was reported that over 1,000 Palestinians have died as a direct result of the blockade, which has engendered a critical lack of medical supplies, tainted water supplies, and electricity shortages (Al Jazeera, 2018).
In early 2018, Palestinians in Gaza announced ongoing mass demonstrations to call for the right of return of Palestinian refugees who had been forcibly expelled by Israel in 1948 and 1967, as well as an end to the illegal blockade. The Great Return protest began on 30 April 2018, Palestinian Land Day. Since its commencement, at least 135 Palestinians have been killed, including journalists and paramedic volunteers providing first aid to protesters (AFP, 2018). At least 14,000 more Palestinians have been injured (MEE, 2018). Despite being aware of the situation’s potential for grave physical danger, up to 50,000 unarmed Palestinians have nevertheless participated in Great Return marches, as well as other cultural protest activities such as reading chains, dabkeh dancing and story-telling, all of which seek to highlight the link between resistance, culture and education (Kobovitch & Landau, 2018; Mackey, 2018; Gadzo & Jnena, 2018). As Sutton notes, the size of a protest can impact on its prominence and success.
The sheer size of the Gaza protests and the willingness of Palestinians to put their unarmed bodies in danger have successfully highlighted their cause on the global stage, as well as Israel’s continuing role in fundamental abuses of human rights.
As part of the Return protests, Palestinians also attempted to the break the blockade by boat (Ibrahim, 2018). Breaking the six nautical mile limit imposed by Israel, the boats carrying activists, students and patients wounded during the protests reached nine nautical miles before being intercepted by Israeli warships (Humaid & Najjar, 2018). The siege-breakers aboard the boats were fully cognisant of the fact that the situation was fraught with the potential for mortal peril (Ibrahim, 2018; Rapoport & Zaanoun, 2018). However, in order to demand freedom and shed light on the suffering of Gazans, they were nevertheless willing to put their bodies on the line.
The Palestinian attempt to break the siege by boat also marked the eighth anniversary of Israel’s deadly attack on the Gaza Freedom Flotilla, which resulted in the death of ten international solidarity activists. In May 2010, Israeli commandoes illegally attacked the flotilla in international waters and boarded the Mavi Marmara, the largest of the six civilian boats in the flotilla. There, the Israeli forces opened fire on the 581 unarmed activists on board (Bayoumi, 2010,1; BBC, 2016). This attack marked the culmination of escalating Israeli violence against the Free Gaza Movement. Prior to this ruthless attack, Palestinian activists had launched eight attempts to break the siege by sea, five of which were successful. Their aim had not only been
to break the siege and draw world attention to the horror of Israel’s actions, but also to send a message to Palestinians that “they are not forgotten” (Bullimore, 2007).
Resistance Continues
In Gaza, East Jerusalem, the West Bank and inside Israel, Palestinians and their supporters have used their unarmed bodies to send a political message of defiance to Israel and the world. Their bodies continue to be used as shields as they attempt to prevent the demolition of their homes, the destruction of their land and the capture of their loved ones. Thousands have been killed in the process.
In Palestine, Palestinian bodies exist within the power asymmetry produced by the imposition an apartheid regime by settler-colonial state on a colonised, occupied, stateless people. In such a context, their bodily acts of protest encompass a dual dynamic. Not only do Palestinians demonstrate physical defiance to Israel’s continuing apartheid regime, they also symbolically resist colonisation by exerting the power of sumoud in various contexts—inside Israel, in the West Bank, in Israeli prisons, and in Gaza. As such, their bodily acts of protest and resistance represent the collective consciousness of all Palestinians seeking to maintain their identity, dignity and rights in the face of Zionist settler-colonialism.
